Kashmir goes to the polls despite the “end of the era of uninterrupted dialogue” with Islamabad and no let-up in cross-border terrorism. Both mainstream parties and separatists are vying for a piece of the peace dividend
“Who knows where the road will lead us; only a fool would say”
– Sammy Cahn, All the Way
Kashmir, the Muslim-majority region in India’s northernmost territory of Jammu and Kashmir that has seen much separatist turmoil and cross-border terrorism, could see radical change overnight as it heads for “historic” assembly elections later this month.
But which way it is now headed, nobody can say. It looks increasingly messy and fragile.
Each summer, hordes of tourists descend on Kashmir and everything appears hunky-dory. New Delhi says there is normalcy in Kashmir, but it is an abnormal normalcy. The Kashmiri thrive on tourism, therefore the tourist season and the Amarnath Yatra (an annual Hindu pilgrimage through southern Kashmir) are rarely disturbed. That is also why terrorism has gone south of the Pir Panjal range from the Kashmir valley to the Jammu plains.
Naya Kashmir, as Prime Minister Narendra Modi has dubbed his vision for the region after the abrogation of Article 370 (the constitutional provision that gave the region greater autonomy within the Indian union), centers on the claim of taming terrorism.
Initially, our muscular policy paid off. ‘Hartals’ (a complete shutdown of shops and offices, usually as a form of protest) and stone-pelting ended and even the boys in south Kashmir who were prepared to die in the name of Allah thought twice; the Kashmiris decided not to die cheaply.
However, there have been constant whispers of a volcano waiting to erupt.
More scary is the silence in Kashmir. Silencing even the past is not easy and will continue to haunt us. To paraphrase the renowned Kashmiri-American poet Agha Shahid Ali, desolation cannot provide peace.
Dr Farooq Abdullah, former chief minister of the state of Jammu and Kashmir (before the Article 370 abrogation made it a Union Territory largely governed at federal level), has repeatedly said terrorism will not end unless we engage with Pakistan. Now, the situation is so much more serious that he has warned Pakistan to hold back, otherwise there could be war.
The message that Pakistan, which disappointed Kashmir by not doing enough when Article 370 was abrogated in 2019, is now conveying is “Hold on, we’re with you.”
There has been a significant increase in terrorist attacks in Jammu and Kashmir since early 2023, particularly in the Jammu region, providing tactical space for terrorists in the valley. There have been 26 attacks in Jammu since the beginning of Modi’s third term. Almost coinciding with his swearing-in on June 9, a bus carrying Shiv Khori pilgrims was attacked in Reasi, killing nine people and injuring 33.
That is not to say the valley has been quiet. In a daylight encounter in Lolab in north Kashmir, a captain and a sepoy were killed. The director-general of police in the region said recently that there were around 100 foreign terrorists in Jammu and Kashmir; 50 in the valley and 50 in Jammu. The actual figure may be twice as many.
The Pakistani Army’s Inter-Services Intelligence agency (ISI) appears to have figured out our counterterrorism deployment and strategy, whereas our sources of ‘humint’ (human intelligence) are drying out with shifting loyalties. An increase in terrorism is a clear sign of the growth of pro-Pakistani sentiment.
The All Parties Hurriyat Conference (APHC), a conglomerate of separatist Kashmiri organizations, was a Pakistani creation but because of our engagement with it, we always had information from across the line of control. The separatists are now muted but so is intelligence. The separatists and radicals are in competition to be ‘mainstreamed’ for their survival and relevance, but there are no takers.
These elements still have links with Pakistan, as do some of the supposedly mainstream leaders. As for the Jamaat-e-Islami (JEI), Pakistan’s party in Kashmir, there is a shift on whether to stay with Pakistan or contest the election.
As for now,Sheikh Abdul Rashid, also known as Engineer Rashid, who was elected to parliament from North Kashmir in June (despite having been detained in Tihar jail since 2019 for allegedly funding separatists in the valley), is of more value to Pakistan than the Jamaat. Let him out on parole and he will not be half as useful to anyone than he is in jail. Bangladesh, too, has similarly emboldened radical elements – Pakistan has followers everywhere.
Time and time again, we have missed opportunities to engage with Pakistan; the last time when the ceasefire on the LoC was announced on February 25, 2021, it could have opened more doors but we appeared to have no interest in Pakistan. The ceasefire still holds but our relations with Pakistan have never been worse.
External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar summed it up on Friday: “I think the era of uninterrupted dialogue with Pakistan is over.”
On the positive side, with the announcement of elections in Jammu and Kashmir, there is hope for the revival of the political and democratic process that Kashmir desperately needs; a government of its own, even if it is in a Union Territory (in which several critical powers are held not by the local government but by the federal government). And once a government is formed, statehood should not be far behind.
Yusuf Tarigami, once the lone communist legislator in the region and the convenor of the “Gupkar Declaration” of major mainstream political parties after Article 370 was abrogated, has pleaded for unity among secular parties to defeat the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the right-wing party that runs the federal government. The BJP has never held power in the Muslim-majority Kashmir Valley.
There was a “Hindu” prime minister who was revered in the Kashmir Valley: Atal Behari Vajpayee. Many years ago, on Tarigami’s advice, he declared a ceasefire during Ramzan, which was extremely well-received in Kashmir.
Then there is Pakistan. It could never take up the cudgels for Sheikh Abdullah,the father of Dr Farooq Abdullah and a prominent figure in India’s struggle for independence from British rule, while he was alive. They dare not do so with Dr Farooq either. BK Nehru, former governor of Jammu and Kashmir, in his book Nice Guys Finish Second says Dr Farooq was the first elected leader of Kashmir who was totally pro-India and anti-Pakistan.
When it comes to elections, in Kashmir even their enemies concede that the National Conference (NC) led by Farooq Abdullah and his son Omar (also a former chief minister) is the senior regional party, and that Farooq is the ‘Sultan of Politics’. Nobody can choreograph an election in Kashmir better than he can.
The Congress, India’s main opposition party, has also gained on the ground since its leader Rahul Gandhi conducted a Bharat Jodo Yatra – a five-month, 4,000km cross-country trek that ended in Kashmir. The move has revived the idea of India in Kashmir. Not surprisingly, Rahul Gandhi now speaks more strongly for statehood than any of Kashmir’s regional parties, as he did on September 4 during a rally which reportedly sent the crowd into rapture.
Logically, Omar should again be chief minister. Even a local rival like Naeem Akhtar, a senior People’s Democratic Party (PDP) leader who is close to former PDP chief minister Mehbooba Mufti, said recently that regional parties had no reason to fight each other given that “they were all in the bottom of a death pit.”
If the Congress-NC alliance stays, then Jammu will vote for it; if it frays, then the BJP is sitting pretty and we have every chance of a Hindu chief minister for the first time in Jammu and Kashmir’s history.
